No More Tax Credits for Hollywood

By Stephen Slivinski

It’s like a bad re-run. A few legislators are trying to revive Arizona’s film production tax credit (SB 1170) that lapsed in 2011.

According to the last annual report on the effectiveness of the credit, in 2009 four media companies completed production on credit-approved projects. After taking into consideration the small bit of sales tax revenue the film generated while in production, the state paid out a net of just over $2 million in tax credits. That’s an average of half a million dollars per project.

How many jobs did that create? About 41 jobs directly related to the project and another 20 that were presumably from the ripple effect on the local economy. An analysis by economists at the W.P. Carey School at Arizona State University shows that these jobs were temporary and, thus, the post-production employment impact of this tax credit was “minimal.”

States like Washington and Iowa terminated their film credit programs last year and others have suspended them until their effectiveness can be studied. The general consensus among analysts is that these credits cost more than they’re worth and their existence owes more to star-struck policymakers than it does to economic logic.

The legislature this year, just as they did last year, should avoid putting Arizona taxpayers back on the hook for film production. Arizona doesn’t need to buy another ticket to this overpriced flop.

Stephen Slivinski is a Senior Economist for the Goldwater Institute.

Learn more:

Arizona Department of Commerce: Motion Picture Production Tax Incentive Annual Report for 2009 (PDF)

Tax Foundation: Report on Film Tax Credit (2011)

Digital Learning: A Game Changer for American Indian Students

By Jonathan Butcher

American Indian students are more likely to live in poverty and face unemployment later in life. These children carry the burdens of geographic isolation and multi-generational poverty that are heavy to lift.

In my conversations with state leaders on ways to help students in chronically failing schools—ideas such as expanding eligibility for education savings accounts and allowing parents to petition to convert a failing school to a charter school—policymakers regularly cite the unique challenges presented by American Indian students.

Digital and online learning opportunities offer hope. As Goldwater Institute Senior Fellow Dan Lips explains in his new Policy Brief, Digital Learning: Improve Educational Opportunities for American Indian Students, online programs can be made available to any student and would increase educational opportunities in rural areas and on reservations.

Over 300,000 American Indians from 21 tribes call Arizona home, and American Indian students comprise 5 percent of the state’s K-12 population. These students score well below their white peers on the nation’s report card, often lagging behind other minority groups such as African American and Hispanic students. Among 4th graders, 70 percent of American Indian students score below the basic level. Only 8 percent can read at grade level.

Lips’ Policy Brief explains how policymakers can incorporate blended-learning programs into the classroom; provide a specific option for children attending Bureau of Indian Education schools to allow them to enroll in Arizona Online Instruction classes; expand private school choice programs to offer full or partial scholarships to American Indian students to enroll in virtual school courses; and create a Federal Bureau of Indian Education (BIE) Virtual School.

Reasonable people can disagree about what’s best for American Indians in the 21st century. But everyone agrees that more quality educational choices for children of any heritage are worth pursuing.

Jonathan Butcher is the Education Director for the Goldwater Institute.

Learn more:

Goldwater Institute: Digital Learning: Improved Educational Opportunities for American Indian Students

Arizona Department of Education: 2007 Indian Education Annual Report

Arizona Republic: Arizona’s American Indians

Save Money, Double Turnout with Consolidated Local Elections

By Lucy Morrow Caldwell

Ask any grassroots activist and he’ll tell you that getting out the vote is tough, because the majority of Arizonans have busy lives beyond the ballot-box. Worse still, with elections happening at a variety of times throughout a two-year cycle, many voters don’t know when an election is taking place.

This gives special-interest groups the upper hand because they can turn out their supporters on obscure election days while regular Arizonans are left in the dark.

This could all change with a single piece of legislation.

HB 2826, a bill currently moving its way through the Arizona Legislature, conforms all election dates across the state—from bond to municipal to statewide—to occur in the August-November cycle of even-numbered years.

In Scottsdale, where municipal elections have been consolidated to Novembers in even-numbered years since 2008, voter participation has ranged from 60 percent to over 85 percent. Previously, when Scottsdale municipal elections occurred in the springtime, voter turnout rarely rose above 30 percent.

Voter turnout suffers in cities without consolidated election dates.

Less than 30 percent of registered voters turned out in Phoenix’s 2011 mayoral election, and only 25 percent voted in the council races in 2009. Tucson’s 2011 mayoral election turned out just over 30 percent of registered voters.

This is not an indicator of voter apathy in those cities. When Tucson placed a municipal ballot question on the 2010 general election ballot, over 60 percent of registered voters participated.

The Arizona Legislature has a long history of pursuing legislation to increase citizen participation in the voting process—the motor-voter initiative, the permanent early voting list, and other voter-awareness campaigns. HB 2826 is the natural next step to increase voter participation across the state and make Arizonans’ voices heard.

Special interest groups that enjoy advancing their agendas under the radar in off-cycle elections are likely to oppose HB 2826. But the measure is a slam-dunk for Arizonans who want to give all voters a voice in elections at every level of government.

Lucy Morrow Caldwell is the external affairs manager at the Goldwater Institute.

Learn more:

Arizona Legislature: House Bill 2826

Let’s Open the Door to Compassionate Volunteers

By Diane Cohen

As you read this, hundreds of doctors and other health care professionals are ready to come to Arizona to provide free medical care for those in need. They are volunteers from around the country, who pay their own travel, room and board so that they can donate their skills over the course of several days at free medical clinics.

These volunteers do not need government funding or reimbursements. They do not care if those they serve have insurance, because they would not take it anyway. The only thing these volunteers need is for the government to get out of the way by allowing them to come to our state to serve.

Remote Area Medical (RAM) is one such group, which brings together medical professionals to serve in free medical clinics in the United States and around the world. RAM provides everything from free diabetes screening to dental surgery, vision tests, free eyeglasses and even veterinary care, to those in America’s inner cities, rural areas and on reservations.

Since 1985, RAM’s thousands of volunteers have treated more than half a million people through more than 660 free medical clinics.

Stan Brock, RAM’s iconic and inspirational founder, dreams of a world where people help each other, “just because they can,” but says the biggest obstacle to providing free care is not the lack of volunteers, but their inability to cross state lines and donate their expertise due to restrictive state licensing laws.

Inspired by RAM, Senator Nancy Barto introduced SB 1189, which would amend Arizona law by providing a temporary exemption from our licensing laws to volunteer medical providers who are licensed in good standing in other states. The law would also open the door for other, similar charitable organizations to aid Arizonans.

A committee hearing will be held on the bill this Wednesday, February 15, at 2 p.m., in Senate Hearing Room 1. With its passage, Arizona would join Illinois and Tennessee, which have passed similar laws.

Let’s open our doors to that which makes America great: its people, who more than any government ever could, want to help others just because they can.

Diane Cohen is a senior attorney for the Goldwater Institute’s Scharf-Norton Center for Constitutional Litigation.

Learn more:

Arizona Legislature: Contact your legislator to share your opinion on this bill

Remote Area Medical: RAM Website

CBS News: 60 Minutes profile of RAM

What to Do about Accountability in Education

By Jonathan Butcher

No Child Left Behind (NCLB), the primary federal education law for K-12 public schools, was signed by George W. Bush a decade ago. Heralded by many as a great bipartisan agreement, NCLB ushered in a new era of accountability for public schools and, for the first time, required schools to show evidence of student achievement or face consequences.

But NCLB was a compromise, and no one was completely happy with the plan. NCLB applies to a system with diverse stakeholders and powerful, entrenched interest groups, so we should have anticipated the derision the law receives today from all sides. In addition, the law required states to use high-stakes tests as a yardstick for student achievement, and some schools and teachers gamed the system by teaching to the test or simply cheating outright.

But because of NCLB, the first decade of the new century may be considered the era of education accountability. This is especially true in Arizona, where schools are growing into their new A-through-F school and district grading system — the system that is replacing labels such as “performing” and “performing plus.”

But if you look at the fine print, you will notice that the range is actually from “A” to “D,” since a school must earn a “D” for multiple years before being labeled an “F.”

State leaders quickly recognized this needed to be addressed or some schools would find ways to cut corners, much like what happened under NCLB. The Arizona Legislature is considering a bill—HB 2663—to allow the state board of education to classify a school as an “F” sooner. Otherwise, schools could flounder with a “D” for multiple years before taking serious measures to improve.

HB 2663 is an important adjustment to the system, and the details of the law and implementation will be critical. No school wants an “F,” but it’s more important that parents know the truth about their school and can find better educational opportunities immediately.

Jonathan Butcher is education director for the Goldwater Institute. 

Learn more:

Goldwater Institute: My school got a D, now what?

Washington Post: No Excuses for Atlanta’s Cheating Scandal

Arizona Department of Education: A-F Accountability

States Can’t Have It Both Ways on Exchanges

By Diane Cohen

Some state lawmakers committed to striking down the federal takeover of health care – the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (“PPACA”) – have moved forward with establishing PPACA insurance exchanges at the same time the United States Supreme Court will be deciding the law’s fate.

Why? The answer we have heard over and over again is that they are establishing PPACA exchanges in their states in order to preserve state control and flexibility over the exchange. However, this answer is refuted by a review of the law.

The President’s health care law says it all: “An Exchange may not establish rules that conflict with or prevent the application of regulations promulgated by the Secretary under this subtitle.” The very language of PPACA makes clear that any so-called state control or flexibility the states think they have is at the mercy of the federal government.

It’s sort of like a retractable leash. You can walk your dog on such a leash and give them some slack to run around, but ultimately, you can pull your dog in at any moment.

Likewise, with PPACA exchanges, as long as the president and his officials are holding the exchange leash, Arizona and other states establishing state exchanges will leave their sovereignty and the liberty of their citizens at the mercy of the federal government.

It makes no sense for a state that is part of the multi-state lawsuit challenging PPACA that is currently before the Supreme Court to both oppose the statute and enforce it at the same time. But beyond being contradictory, PPACA exchanges are detrimental to the fight against the law enabling them. Over the last several weeks court briefs supporting PPACA specifically cite the fact that states are moving forward with exchanges as evidence that exchanges can survive with or without the law’s mandate that all Americans buy insurance.

With oral arguments scheduled in the Supreme Court in late March and a decision expected in June, it is not too late for states like Arizona to reverse course, as Wisconsin did last month, by sending back the federal exchange grant money they have received and stop exchange implementation activities.

Diane Cohen is a senior attorney for the Goldwater Institute’s Scharf-Norton Center for Constitutional Litigation.

Learn more:

Goldwater Institute: States must protect the health care freedom of their citizens by saying no to federal health insurance exchanges

Goldwater Institute: States damaging their own case with insurance exchange moves

City-Funded Report on Government Pay Called into Question

By Nick Dranias & Stephen Slivinski

Phoenix taxpayers recently paid almost a half a million dollars for a report that looked at city-employee compensation. The report reveals that some types of workers get paid more than the market average; some get paid less. But when you include benefits, the report found that all government workers in Phoenix are vastly better off than private sector workers.

These findings could have been obtained for a fraction of the cost, simply by surveying existing academic literature. Unlike the Goldwater Institute’s own research, which has revealed that public sector collective bargaining costs taxpayers tens of billions of dollars, there is little in the way of actual “news” in the new Phoenix report. In fact, the report missed an opportunity to uncover the real differences in pay and benefits between government and private workers in the City of Phoenix.

The Phoenix report omits any comparison of the hourly compensation of government versus private sector workers. It’s a big omission, particularly since the Bureau of Labor Statistics recently reported state and local government workers receive average hourly compensation that is 44 percent higher than private sector workers.

This failure to compare hourly compensation, despite abundant resources to do so, demonstrates that the city-funded report doesn’t present an accurate picture of the local differences in compensation between government and private sector workers. It also calls into question whether this omission was inadvertent or by design — such an analysis may have revealed that government employees receive dramatically more hourly compensation than private sector workers.

Nick Dranias holds the Clarence J. and Katherine P. Duncan Chair for Constitutional Government and is director of the Joseph and Dorothy Donnelly Moller Center for Constitutional Government at the Goldwater Institute.

Stephen Slivinski is the Senior Economist with the Goldwater Institute.

Learn more:

Goldwater Institute: Save Taxpayers Tens of Billions of Dollars

City of Phoenix: Balancing Competitive Employment and Stewardship of Public Funds

The Capitol Buy-Back: Not a Bad Idea

By Byron Schlomach, Ph.D.

When I first heard Governor Brewer’s proposal to retire debt on the state’s capitol buildings, I thought it was a bad idea. The main reason: early-payoff penalties. There just was no good reason to bear such costs.

It turns out that early payoff penalties are not an issue. The state has to deposit a lump-sum of $106 million into an account that is held by a third party, over which ownership is exercised by the creditors who lent the state the $81 million secured by the capitol buildings. The cash substitutes for the buildings as collateral and we get back the deeds, free and clear.

The $106 million accounts for all the interest and principal we were going to have to spend to pay off the loan over the next 20 years. There is no pre-payment penalty.

Some might say that getting back the capitol buildings’ paper is just symbolic nonsense for the sake of the state’s centennial. And sentiment is a bad reason to pursue any policy. But this is more than a feel-good idea.

The biggest advantage to this early payoff, though, is that it avoids the temptation to spend temporary money on ongoing programs – the ones that it looks like we can afford now, but that we might not be able to afford later. We did that for several years before the recession, and look where that got us.

It’s not safe to assume we’ve entered into a long-term, steady economic expansion with steady government revenues to accompany it. So, while we have a temporary surplus, let’s pay down the state’s debt.

Dr. Byron Schlomach is the director of the Goldwater Institute’s Center for Economic Prosperity.

Learn more:

Office of the Governor: The Facts about a Capitol Buy-Back

Goldwater Institute: Living Debt Free: Restoring Arizona’s Commitment to its Constitutional Debt Limit

Education Savings Accounts Extend Hope, Opportunities

By Jonathan Butcher

In the first episode of The Cosby Show, Cliff Huxtable explains to Theo how to keep track of a budget. Using Monopoly money, they wrestle over the costs of living on your own. Finally, Theo pledges to survive with only the bare necessities and has $200 left over for the month. As Theo beams with pride, Cliff asks, “Are you going to have a girlfriend?” and then plucks the remaining bills out of Theo’s hand.

Two weeks ago, the real Bill Cosby offered a lesson in school finance in preparation for National School Choice Week: “[E]ducation is not a thing that big bucks happens to be the answer [to].” He says, “We have a moral and societal obligation to give our children the opportunity to succeed in school, at work, and in life. We cannot meet that obligation unless parents are empowered to select the best schools of their children.”

Shortly after Cosby made his comments, families around Arizona cheered Maricopa County Superior Court Judge Maria Del Mar Verdin’s ruling upholding the state’s one-of-a-kind education savings account program. Judge Del Mar Verdin wrote in her opinion, “The exercise of parental choice among educational options makes the program constitutional.”

For students with special needs, like Nathan Howard, the decision couldn’t have been better. His mother, Amanda, says that since Nathan started at his new school, a move made possible by the savings account, she has seen “such a huge difference.” For the first time he can almost speak in full sentences.

HB 2626, sponsored by Rep. Debbie Lesko and Sens. Gould, Klein, Melvin, Murphy, and Yarborough, would extend the opportunity for a brighter future to the 94,000 students in Arizona’s lowest-performing schools. The bill also offers hope to Arizona’s intellectually gifted students, another underserved population, as well as to students in military families.

HB 2626 is a tremendous step toward providing all students the best opportunity to succeed.

Jonathan Butcher is the Education Director for the Goldwater Institute.

Learn more:

Education Next: Challenging the Gifted

Goldwater Institute: Superior Court Upholds Education Savings Accounts

The Cosby Show: Season 1, Episode 1

National School Choice Week: Bill Cosby is IN for National School Choice Week

The Daily Caller: Bill Cosby on Education: More funding is not the answer

A One-Two Punch to Union Release Time

By Taylor Earl

In December, the Goldwater Institute filed a constitutional challenge to the City of Phoenix’s practice of “release time” within the police union. This practice takes six city police officers off the streets and puts them behind desks to work as full-time union managers, 35 to work as part-time union representatives, and one to work full time as a union lobbyist — all while collecting city salaries and benefits.

As surprising as it may be, the practice is widespread among local-government unions around the country. A win in court will lead to the elimination or severe curtailment of the practice across Arizona. Unions would be forced to pay for the practice through their own union dues or, at the very least, compensate taxpayers for their use of public employees.

But the legislature has a chance to go one step further to guarantee the practice is banned in its entirety. Arizona Senate Bill 1486 would prohibit municipalities from signing contracts that fund union release time in any manner. The bill, sponsored by Arizona Senator Rick Murphy, was introduced yesterday to the Arizona Senate. It requires city governments to respect the Arizona Constitution and rescues taxpayers from unknowingly funding union activity.

No doubt unions will object, likely predicting all sorts of negative consequences for government workers. But teachers’ unions were barred from using full-time release positions in 2010 with no disasters to speak of, and city employees in Scottsdale seem to function just fine without any type of union release time.

The lawsuit and legislation come at a good time. In Phoenix and other cities, unions have issued new demands to be considered in upcoming negotiations— demands that include even more release-time hours and even more public employees transferred from government jobs to union work.

Release time is a unsavory, unconstitutional give away to unions that must be stopped, whether it happens in the courts or with legislative action and a signature from the Governor.

Taylor Earl is an attorney for the Goldwater Institute’s Scharf-Norton Center for Constitutional Litigation.

Learn More:

Goldwater Institute: Money for Nothing: Phoenix Taxpayers Foot the Bill for Union Work

Goldwater Institute: Do Police Officers Pay for Release Time?

Arizona State Legislature: SB1486

Important Reforms Don’t Always Require a Grand Vision

By Nick Dranias

Sometimes important regulatory and tort reforms come in small packages. One example is SB1286, sponsored by Senator John McComish. It proposes a simple reform to insurance law, which currently requires a completely innocent car rental company and a completely negligent car renter to be equally responsible for paying for injuries caused by the renter.

It’s plain to see why this law is on the books: car rental companies have the ability to pay much bigger insurance claims than most people. In contrast to this “deep pockets” approach, SB1286 puts primary responsibility for negligent driving on the shoulders of the driver and his insurance company, rather than the company that rents him the car. The bill changes the law to say that the renter’s insurance is primarily responsible to compensate for injuries the renter negligently causes. Only once the negligent renter’s insurance is exhausted, will an injured person be able to seek money from the innocent car rental company. That makes a lot more sense. Having deep pockets isn’t a legitimate reason to make car rental companies pay for injuries caused by people who rent cars.

By putting the primary duty to compensate for an injury on the person responsible for the injury, SB1286 is a reasonable tort reforms that still protects people who are legitimately injured. It also illustrates how meaningful regulatory reform can often be achieved by correcting bad policy found in the nooks and crannies of Arizona law. By reducing the cost of doing business in Arizona, rental car companies will be able to pass along the savings to consumers, employees and shareholders.

SB1286 proves that important reforms don’t always require a grand vision. Significant opportunities to advance freedom and personal responsibility can often be found on the margins.

Nick Dranias holds the Clarence J. and Katherine P. Duncan Chair for Constitutional Government and is director of the Joseph and Dorothy Donnelly Moller Center for Constitutional Government at the Goldwater Institute.

Learn more:

Arizona State Legislature: Senate Bill 1286

Give Children a Path out of Failing Schools

To celebrate National School Choice Week, the Goldwater Institute is highlighting five key areas of education reform. Today’s focus is tax-credit scholarship programs. For more information about the Institute’s groundbreaking work in this area, visit our Education Reform page.

By Vicki Alger, Ph.D.

Right now in Arizona more than 94,000 students are attending “D” schools, or schools that have chronically poor academic performance.

Rather than waiting for bureaucratic wheels to turn and their schools to improve, these children deserve an out. Arizona already has a pathway for them – it just needs to be widened a bit to give more children a chance.

That path is Arizona’s tax-credit scholarship program, which more than 31,000 low-income, special needs, and foster students are already using to attend private schools.

The proposal now working its way through the state legislature would allow couples to donate up to $2,000 (instead of $1,000) toward the scholarships, and would extend scholarship eligibility to children of military personnel. Moreover, anything couples donate over $1,000 would go specifically to students using the program for the first time.

These changes could help more kids escape failing schools and get on the path to academic success.

No child’s education should be limited by his family’s income or address. Expanding Arizona’s scholarship tax credit program just makes good sense for children.

Vicki (Murray) Alger, Ph.D., is President and CEO of Vicki Murray & Associates, LLC, a Phoenix-based education research and services company. She is also a Senior Fellow at the Independent Women’s Forum in Washington, D.C., and a Research Fellow at the Independent Institute in Oakland, California, where she is completing a book on the history of the U.S. Department of Education.

Learn More:

Arizona Department of Education: 2010-2011 A-F Letter Grades for All Schools

Arizona Department of Education: The New A-F School Accountability Letter Grade System

Arizona State Legislature: S.B. 1048

Harvard University: An Analysis of Arizona Individual Income Tax-credit Scholarship Recipients’ Family Income, 2009-10 School Year

BREAKING: Superior Court Upholds Education Savings Accounts

PHOENIX — Education-reform advocates won a key victory today, with a judge upholding the constitutionality of Arizona’s first-in-the-nation education savings accounts.

The Maricopa County Superior Court rejected a legal challenge by the Arizona School Boards Association and the Arizona Education Association against the accounts, known formally as empowerment scholarship accounts (ESAs).

“Though this is only the opening round of a protracted legal battle, it is gratifying to start with a victory for the kids,” declared Clint Bolick, vice president for litigation at the Goldwater Institute, who argued on behalf of the Institute before Judge Maria Del Mar Verdin.

ESAs were proposed by the Goldwater Institute as a way to expand educational opportunities, and were adopted by a bipartisan majority of the Arizona Legislature for disabled schoolchildren in 2010.  For eligible children who leave the public schools, the state provides 90 percent of their per-pupil funding in an account that can be used for a wide variety of educational purposes, including private school tuition, tutoring, distance learning, community college classes, and educational software.

The Arizona Supreme Court struck down school vouchers in 2009, holding that because they could only be used for private school tuition, they were impermissible aid to private and religious schools.  Judge Verdin noted that ESAs, by contrast, can be used by parents to fund various services from multiple entities.  “The exercise of parental choice among education options makes the program constitutional,” she concluded.

The Goldwater Institute has called for expansion of the program to children who are enrolled in poor-performing public schools.

Although an appeal is inevitable, Bolick said, “We wish the school boards and teachers’ union would call off the attack dogs and direct their resources toward education rather than litigation.”

In addition to the Goldwater Institute, the program is defended by Attorney General Tom Horne and the Institute for Justice.  The decision comes in the middle of National School Choice Week.

The court ruling is available here (PDF). Read more about Niehaus v. Huppenthal here.

18 Years of Charter School in Arizona: Now We Know

By Robert Maranto, Ph.D.

To celebrate National School Choice Week, the Goldwater Institute is highlighting five key areas of education reform. Today’s focus is charter schools. For more information about the Institute’s groundbreaking work in this area, visit our Education Reform page.

When my wife, April, and I first studied charter schools in Arizona back in 1997, they had 222 campuses, a 3.3 percent market share, and heaps of criticism from folks who had never set foot inside of one. Fifteen years later they have 524 campuses, a 12 percent market share, and still plenty of critics.

Perhaps the most important change of the last 15 years, though, is that now we know. We know that charter school teachers feel more empowered than district school teachers. We know charter parents like their schools. Contrary to a popular myth that charters are more segregated than traditional schools, a study conducted by some of my colleagues at the University of Arkansas found that there are only small differences in the level of overall student segregation.

We know that charters spend less, and do about the same on student academic growth—with the dramatic exceptions of some Arizona charters where student achievement levels are among the highest in the country. Nationally, charters are funded at a level that is slightly more than half of what traditional schools receive, according to the Center for Education Reform ($6,585 compared to $10,771). In Arizona, charters receive 20 percent less than traditional schools. We know that charter competition has generally led traditional public schools to be more respectful of parents and teachers.

We know that charter schools like Mesa Arts Academy, Sonoran Science Academy, and the upstart Phoenix Collegiate prove that disadvantaged kids can learn. We know that charters like Tempe Prep and Basis prove a demand for world-class academics. We know that the Charter School of Sedona proves that teachers can run a public school, and do a darn good job of it.

But thinking back on the studies I’ve read and the schools I’ve seen, I keep coming back to one scene. In an arts-oriented charter school, a recent immigrant told me how much her life had improved since leaving her well-regarded district school. At her charter school, she wasn’t bullied for her accent or appearance. She no longer cried every day when she went to school; she no longer cried every day when she came home.

She is what the charter movement is all about. Traditional public schools do a good job serving many kids, but in many instances, they cannot serve that girl, or kids like a teenage me, who need a different option. In Arizona, her parents have 524 chances to find it.

Robert Maranto (rmaranto@uark.edu) is the 21st Century Chair in Leadership at the Department of Education Reform at the University of Arkansas.

Learn more:

​Goldwater Institute: Basis v. Horne (Charter school autonomy case)

Goldwater Institute: Comparison of Traditional Public and Charter Schools

Goldwater Institute: Does Charter School Attendance Improve Test Scores?

Homeschooling: Its Day Has Come

By Byron Schlomach, Ph.D.

To celebrate National School Choice Week, the Goldwater Institute is highlighting five key areas of education reform. Today’s focus is homeschooling. For more information about the Institute’s groundbreaking work in this area, visit our Education Reform page.

According to the National Center for Education Statistics, about 1.5 million students in the United States were homeschooled in 2007. One estimate of homeschoolers in Arizona puts the number at over 35,000. When the University of Arizona considered instituting a minimum SAT score only for homeschoolers, the president of the university resisted. Homeschoolers were the least of his problems when it came to students achieving, since homeschoolers have a proven achievement record in colleges and universities.

Homeschooling has come a long way. When my wife and I started homeschooling our daughter in the early 1990s, it had not been that long since homeschool families were pursued by truant officers. Today, homeschooling is much more accepted and takes on many different forms. Homeschoolers create co-ops where parents with different skills and knowledge teach each others’ children. They organize book fairs, sports teams, choirs, and field trips (often getting special praise for good behavior). And, homeschooled kids pretty regularly win the National Spelling Bee.

Homeschoolers sacrifice a second income in making the choice to educate their children, even as they pay the taxes to support public schools, scholarships to private schools, and charter schools. Education savings accounts hold out the promise that at least some who choose to homeschool will be able to recoup some of the costs they bear for the public system, making homeschooling a viable education choice for more parents.

Byron Schlomach, Ph.D. is Director of the Goldwater Institute’s Center for Economic Prosperity.

Learn more:

A to Z Home’s Cool Homeschooling: Number of Homeschoolers in the USA

The Old Schoolhouse MagazineHomeschooling Comes of Age in College Admission (PDF)

National Center for Education Statistics: 1.5 Million Homeschooled Students in the United States in 2007 (PDF)

Momentum Building for Parent Empowerment

To celebrate National School Choice Week, the Goldwater Institute is highlighting five key areas of education reform. For more information about the Institute’s groundbreaking work in this area, visit our Education Reform page.

By Jonathan Butcher

Momentum is building around the country for “Parent Empowerment” — the movement to allow parents to petition, under law, for sweeping changes to their child’s school. Just last week The Wall Street Journal reported on the efforts of “fed-up parents” with students at low-performing schools in Southern California to “take an unusual step: fire the school.” Later this year Maggie Gyllenhaal (The Dark Knight, Away We Go) and Holly Hunter (The Incredibles, O Brother, Where Art Thou?) will star in the feature film Won’t Back Down, depicting the efforts of parents to turn around a failing school.

California’s law, along with similar legislation in Texas and Mississippi, allows parents to vote to convert chronically low-performing schools to charter schools, replace school leadership and provide new directors with significant decision making authority, or even close schools entirely.

Ben Austin is the head of Parent Revolution, a Los Angeles-based parent group that started the movement in 2009, and he told me he is convinced we are living in a “revolutionary moment.” He said, “A grassroots movement sprung up over parents having real political power. Not parent involvement ‘old school’ like bake sales, but when parents are treated like grown-up political actors and are taken seriously.”

Austin’s resume includes a stint with the Clinton White House from 1994-99 and communications director for the 2000 Democratic National Convention Host Committee, so a parental choice-style reform such as Parent Empowerment might not seem like his forte. But he says, “The system fundamentally is failing because it’s not designed to serve kids. The only way we’re going to change things is to transfer political power from defenders of the status quo to parents.”

Arizona has been one of the nation’s leaders in education reform for over a decade, and lawmakers should seize the moment we are in to allow parents to take ownership of their child’s school. No matter which side of the aisle you are sitting on, we can all agree on the need to serve students, not protect a system.

Jonathan Butcher is the Education Director for the Goldwater Institute.

Learn more:

Parent Revolution

The Wall Street Journal: Parents Rebel Against School

IMDB: Won’t Back Down (formerly titled Learning to Fly)

Constitutional Choices

To celebrate National School Choice Week, the Goldwater Institute is highlighting five key areas of education reform. Up first is Education Savings Accounts. For more information about the Institute’s groundbreaking work in this area, visit our Education Reform page.

By Clint Bolick

We like to joke around the office that the best way to determine if an education reform is worth pursuing is whether the special interests that defend the status quo challenge it in court. So we knew for certain we were onto something with the idea of Education Savings Accounts when they were hit with a double whammy: a lawsuit against them filed not only by the teachers’ union but by the Arizona School Boards Association. (Your tax dollars at work!)

Three years ago, the Arizona Supreme Court struck down school vouchers under Article 9, section 10 of the state constitution, which forbids the “appropriation of public money made in aid of any . . . private or sectarian school. . . ” The Court reasoned that because all of the voucher funds necessarily would be used in private schools, they constituted impermissible “aid.”

Education savings accounts (ESAs), on the other hand, can be used for a variety of educational purposes, from private school tuition to distance learning, home schooling, tutoring, educational software, community college classes, or college tuition. It’s tough to consider the accounts an appropriation in “aid” of private schools when none of the money is earmarked for them.

The legal challenge, now in its opening round in Maricopa County Superior Court, is vitally important to the future of systemic education reform. If we were designing a K-12 education system from scratch — with no preconceived notions yet mindful of the technology that enables us to deliver high-quality, personalized instruction to every child — surely it would not look like the bricks-and-mortar, one-size-fits all system to which most American children are consigned.

ESAs allow families to tailor educational services to their children’s individual needs. In 2011, the Legislature enacted ESAs for children with special needs. This year, we hope ESAs will be made available to children in poor-performing public schools. Just as the Goldwater Institute gave life to the idea of ESAs, so are we tenaciously defending them in court.

Clint Bolick is director of the Goldwater Institute’s Scharf-Norton Center for Constitutional Litigation.

Learn more:

Arizona Judicial Branch: Cain v. Horne (PDF)

Goldwater Institute: Niehaus v. Huppenthal